By Reneva Fourie
South Africa’s working class made a pivotal contribution to the country’s liberation. Yet, as we celebrate the third decade of democracy, conditions for many remain dire. It simply has no dedicated voice in parliament to defend and advance its specific interests.
Its “vanguard”, the South African Communist Party (SACP), which recently celebrated its 103rd anniversary, is trapped in an alliance that makes it near-impossible to assert its policy positions.
In addition to its public statements, the SACP primarily articulates its policy positions by contributing to the ANC elections manifesto, participating in ANC makgotla, and meeting regularly as part of the alliance secretariat. Furthermore, the ANC accommodates the SACP, which has dual membership, in its lists to parliament and the allocation of cabinet positions.
While ANC conference documents and statements often cohere with those of the SACP, this seldom translates into government action. Likewise, SACP members are stripped of their identity when entering the state and are expected to advance ANC positions in parliament and government. Accordingly, the SACP’s presence in these platforms and its ability to fundamentally influence policy in favour of the working class have been minimal.
Conditions have forced the ANC to transition from a liberation movement to a political party. As the dominant governing party, the ANC has to manage contending interests arising from its control of considerable resources and power.
This includes balancing the interests of its members, other political parties, international governments, and domestic and international capital. Those with the most financial muscle, or a significant electoral base, substantially influence public policy. In particular, capital, the IMF, and the World Bank considerably impact macroeconomic policy formulation.
Unlike the ANC, the SACP has not adequately adapted to the changing political landscape. While it hopes for a reconfiguration of the alliance in which its policies will have greater sway, contesting as part of a formal coalition with the ANC is currently not on the table, despite general discussions on independent electoral participation in its ranks.
This is because of the belief that the initial goal – a united, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic, and prosperous South Africa that it shares with the ANC – is not fully achieved and the recognition that maximum unity is crucial because of the various forces aiming to remove the ANC from power. While the arguments are plausible, the current situation runs the risk of making the SACP, which has no money and no demonstrable voter support, redundant.
For example, the SACP has warned that the unbundling of Eskom would result in larger, more expensive bureaucracies, poorer co-ordination, reduced cross-subsidisation, price increases, and decreased energy reliability. Despite these warnings, Eskom is being unbundled.
The SACP suggested that, instead of allocating funds to incentivise Independent Power Producers (IPPs), the money should help Eskom transition to renewable energy. However, IPPs now dominate the green energy sector, securing expensive contracts that burden the state. The SACP also argued that, in this digital age, the electromagnetic spectrum should be considered a strategic state asset to be leased long-term rather than sold. Yet, it is being auctioned.
Despite the SACP’s strong advocacy for National Health Insurance and the enabling legislation being enacted, it is currently being reviewed. These are just a few examples illustrating how the SACP’s views seem to fail to go beyond the recently concluded Birchwood lekgotla and meetings at Luthuli House.
Time and again, the SACP’s positions are compromised, as it has no choice but to accept and even defend those of the ANC. The composition of the GNU is a case in point. In its anniversary address on Sunday, August 3, SACP General Secretary Solly Mapaila stated, “The SACP takes a critical but non-oppositionist stance towards the now-assembled Government of National Unity.” This is in contrast to the initially strong opposition to the ANC entering a coalition with the DA and its preference for an ANC-led minority government.
While the SACP’s policy positions gain little traction, the disparity between the rich and the poor widens. The quality of life for the black working class has improved to some extent since the days of apartheid, but more is needed. The unemployment rate is 32.9 percent, with over 30 percent of the population living in extreme poverty, and the Gini coefficient rate is 0.63. All these realities disproportionally affect women.
Furthermore, some company CEOs receive a compensation package of up to R249,8 million per annum, yet certain political parties oppose the minimum wage of R27.58 per hour. It’s paradoxical that, in a country where a single private home can cost as much as R700 million, at least 55,719 people are homeless and millions live in informal dwellings. The coexistence of immense deprivation alongside opulence is deplorable. Unfortunately, the prospect of improvement is unlikely, given the new pressures on the ANC arising from its coalition with predominantly right-wing political parties that oppose social security and unionisation.
The working class is growing increasingly restless. In our democratic society, meaningful change occurs through the ballot, not the bullet. Our democracy was hard-won, with great sacrifices made, particularly by the working class. Although our democracy has limitations, operating within a parliamentary framework is vital to tackling the critical challenges that poorer communities face. Most left-leaning parties have not garnered sufficient votes to have representation in parliament, and those that have, have yet to demonstrate significant pro-poor policy impact.
This segment of society deserves a robust and independent presence in parliament to advocate for its specific interests. The SACP, with its impressive history, track record, and grassroots base, could be that credible entity.
The alliance, in its current form, is not working optimally. The complex, commanding pressures on the state inhibit alliance policy agreements from enabling the fundamental restructuring of the economy needed to address poverty and unemployment. It might be time for the SACP to let go of the ANC’s apron strings and give the working class and poor a more forceful voice in parliament.
* Dr Reneva Fourie is a Central Committee member of the SACP but writes in her capacity as a policy analyst specialising in governance, development, and security.
** The views in this article are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent News